Redistricting in Utah

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Redistricting is the process by which new congressional and state legislative district boundaries are drawn. Each of Utah's four United States Representatives and 104 state legislators are elected from political divisions called districts. United States Senators are not elected by districts, but by the states at large. District lines are redrawn every 10 years following completion of the United States census. The federal government stipulates that districts must have nearly equal populations and must not discriminate on the basis of race or ethnicity.[1][2][3][4]

Utah was apportioned four seats in the U.S. House of Representatives after the 2020 census, the same number it received after the 2010 census. Click here for more information about redistricting in Utah after the 2020 census.

HIGHLIGHTS
  • Following the 2020 United States Census, Utah was apportioned four congressional seats, which was unchanged from the number it had after the 2010 census.
  • Utah's House of Representatives is made up of 75 districts; Utah's State Senate is made up of 29 districts.
  • In Utah, congressional and state legislative district boundaries are ultimately enacted by the state legislature. An advisory commission is involved in the drafting process.

    • Utah enacted new congressional districts on November 12, 2021, after Gov. Spencer Cox (R) signed a map proposal approved by the House and the Senate. The enacted map was drafted by the legislature and differed from a proposal the Utah Independent Redistricting Commission released on November 5, 2021.[5] The congressional map passed the Utah House 50-22 on November 9, 2021, with five Republicans and all Democratic House members voting against it. The Senate approved the map on November 10, 2021, in a 21-7 vote. Before signing the congressional map, Cox said he would not veto any maps approved by the legislature, as “The Legislature is fully within their rights to actually make those decisions and decide where they want to draw those lines."[6] This map took effect for Utah's 2022 congressional elections.

    Gov. Spencer Cox (R) signed new state legislative districts for both chambers into law on November 16, 2021. After Cox called a special session to begin on November 9, 2021, the Utah legislature voted to approve the House and Senate district maps on November 10, 2021. The House districts proposal passed the House in a 60-12 vote and cleared the Senate in a 25-3 vote. The House voted 58-13 to approve the Senate map and the Senate approved the proposal in a 26-2 vote. [7][8] These maps took effect for Utah's 2022 legislative elections.
    Click here for more information on maps enacted after the 2020 census.

    See the sections below for further information on the following topics:

    1. Background: A summary of federal requirements for redistricting at both the congressional and state legislative levels
    2. State process: An overview about the redistricting process in Utah
    3. District maps: Information about the current district maps in Utah
    4. Redistricting by cycle: A breakdown of the most significant events in Utah's redistricting after recent censuses
    5. State legislation and ballot measures: State legislation and state and local ballot measures relevant to redistricting policy
    6. Political impacts of redistricting: An analysis of the political issues associated with redistricting

    Background

    This section includes background information on federal requirements for congressional redistricting, state legislative redistricting, state-based requirements, redistricting methods used in the 50 states, gerrymandering, and recent court decisions.

    Federal requirements for congressional redistricting

    According to Article I, Section 4 of the United States Constitution, the states and their legislatures have primary authority in determining the "times, places, and manner" of congressional elections. Congress may also pass laws regulating congressional elections.[9][10]

    “ The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by Law make or alter such Regulations, except as to the Places of chusing Senators.[11] ”
    —United States Constitution

    Article I, Section 2 of the United States Constitution stipulates that congressional representatives be apportioned to the states on the basis of population. There are 435 seats in the United States House of Representatives. Each state is allotted a portion of these seats based on the size of its population relative to the other states. Consequently, a state may gain seats in the House if its population grows or lose seats if its population decreases, relative to populations in other states. In 1964, the United States Supreme Court ruled in Wesberry v. Sanders that the populations of House districts must be equal "as nearly as practicable."[12][13][14]

    The equal population requirement for congressional districts is strict. According to All About Redistricting, "Any district with more or fewer people than the average (also known as the 'ideal' population), must be specifically justified by a consistent state policy. And even consistent policies that cause a 1 percent spread from largest to smallest district will likely be unconstitutional."[14]

    Federal requirements for state legislative redistricting

    The United States Constitution is silent on the issue of state legislative redistricting. In the mid-1960s, the United States Supreme Court issued a series of rulings in an effort to clarify standards for state legislative redistricting. In Reynolds v. Sims, the court ruled that "the Equal Protection Clause [of the United States Constitution] demands no less than substantially equal state legislative representation for all citizens, of all places as well as of all races." According to All About Redistricting, "it has become accepted that a [redistricting] plan will be constitutionally suspect if the largest and smallest districts [within a state or jurisdiction] are more than 10 percent apart."[14]

    State-based requirements

    In addition to the federal criteria noted above, individual states may impose additional requirements on redistricting. Common state-level redistricting criteria are listed below.

    1. Contiguity refers to the principle that all areas within a district should be physically adjacent. A total of 49 states require that districts of at least one state legislative chamber be contiguous (Nevada has no such requirement, imposing no requirements on redistricting beyond those enforced at the federal level). A total of 23 states require that congressional districts meet contiguity requirements.[14][15]
    2. Compactness refers to the general principle that the constituents within a district should live as near to one another as practicable. A total of 37 states impose compactness requirements on state legislative districts; 18 states impose similar requirements for congressional districts.[14][15]
    3. A community of interest is defined by FairVote as a "group of people in a geographical area, such as a specific region or neighborhood, who have common political, social or economic interests." A total of 24 states require that the maintenance of communities of interest be considered in the drawing of state legislative districts. A total of 13 states impose similar requirements for congressional districts.[14][15]
    4. A total of 42 states require that state legislative district lines be drawn to account for political boundaries (e.g., the limits of counties, cities, and towns). A total of 19 states require that similar considerations be made in the drawing of congressional districts.[14][15]

    Methods

    In general, a state's redistricting authority can be classified as one of the following:[16]

    1. Legislature-dominant: In a legislature-dominant state, the legislature retains the ultimate authority to draft and enact district maps. Maps enacted by the legislature may or may not be subject to gubernatorial veto. Advisory commissions may also be involved in the redistricting process, although the legislature is not bound to adopt an advisory commission's recommendations.
    2. Commission: In a commission state, an extra-legislative commission retains the ultimate authority to draft and enact district maps. A non-politician commission is one whose members cannot hold elective office. A politician commission is one whose members can hold elective office.
    3. Hybrid: In a hybrid state, the legislature shares redistricting authority with a commission.

    Gerrymandering

    In 1812, Massachusetts Governor Elbridge Gerry signed into law a state Senate district map that, according to the Encyclopædia Britannica, "consolidated the Federalist Party vote in a few districts and thus gave disproportionate representation to Democratic-Republicans." The word gerrymander was coined by The Boston Gazette to describe the district.
    See also: Gerrymandering

    The term gerrymandering refers to the practice of drawing electoral district lines to favor one political party, individual, or constituency over another. When used in a rhetorical manner by opponents of a particular district map, the term has a negative connotation but does not necessarily address the legality of a challenged map. The term can also be used in legal documents; in this context, the term describes redistricting practices that violate federal or state laws.[1][17]

    For additional background information about gerrymandering, click "[Show more]" below.

    Show more

    The phrase racial gerrymandering refers to the practice of drawing electoral district lines to dilute the voting power of racial minority groups. Federal law prohibits racial gerrymandering and establishes that, to combat this practice and to ensure compliance with the Voting Rights Act, states and jurisdictions can create majority-minority electoral districts. A majority-minority district is one in which a racial group or groups comprise a majority of the district's populations. Racial gerrymandering and majority-minority districts are discussed in greater detail in this article.[18]

    The phrase partisan gerrymandering refers to the practice of drawing electoral district maps with the intention of favoring one political party over another. In contrast with racial gerrymandering, on which the Supreme Court of the United States has issued rulings in the past affirming that such practices violate federal law, the high court had not, as of November 2017, issued a ruling establishing clear precedent on the question of partisan gerrymandering. Although the court has granted in past cases that partisan gerrymandering can violate the United States Constitution, it has never adopted a standard for identifying or measuring partisan gerrymanders. Partisan gerrymandering is described in greater detail in this article.[19][20]

    Recent court decisions

    See also: Redistricting cases heard by the Supreme Court of the United States

    The Supreme Court of the United States has, in recent years, issued several decisions dealing with redistricting policy, including rulings relating to the consideration of race in drawing district maps, the use of total population tallies in apportionment, and the constitutionality of independent redistricting commissions. The rulings in these cases, which originated in a variety of states, impact redistricting processes across the nation.

    For additional background information about these cases, click "[Show more]" below.

    Show more

    Gill v. Whitford (2018)

    See also: Gill v. Whitford

    In Gill v. Whitford, decided on June 18, 2018, the Supreme Court of the United States ruled that the plaintiffs—12 Wisconsin Democrats who alleged that Wisconsin's state legislative district plan had been subject to an unconstitutional gerrymander in violation of the First and Fourteenth Amendments—had failed to demonstrate standing under Article III of the United States Constitution to bring a complaint. The court's opinion, penned by Chief Justice John Roberts, did not address the broader question of whether partisan gerrymandering claims are justiciable and remanded the case to the district court for further proceedings. Roberts was joined in the majority opinion by Associate Justices Anthony Kennedy, Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Stephen Breyer, Samuel Alito, Sonia Sotomayor, and Elena Kagan. Kagan penned a concurring opinion joined by Ginsburg, Breyer, and Sotomayor. Associate Justice Clarence Thomas penned an opinion that concurred in part with the majority opinion and in the judgment, joined by Associate Justice Neil Gorsuch.[21]

    Cooper v. Harris (2017)

    See also: Cooper v. Harris

    In Cooper v. Harris, decided on May 22, 2017, the Supreme Court of the United States affirmed the judgment of the United States District Court for the Middle District of North Carolina, finding that two of North Carolina's congressional districts, the boundaries of which had been set following the 2010 United States Census, had been subject to an illegal racial gerrymander in violation of Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act. Justice Elena Kagan delivered the court's majority opinion, which was joined by Justices Clarence Thomas, Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Stephen Breyer, and Sonia Sotomayor (Thomas also filed a separate concurring opinion). In the court's majority opinion, Kagan described the two-part analysis utilized by the high court when plaintiffs allege racial gerrymandering as follows: "First, the plaintiff must prove that 'race was the predominant factor motivating the legislature's decision to place a significant number of voters within or without a particular district.' ... Second, if racial considerations predominated over others, the design of the district must withstand strict scrutiny. The burden shifts to the State to prove that its race-based sorting of voters serves a 'compelling interest' and is 'narrowly tailored' to that end." In regard to the first part of the aforementioned analysis, Kagan went on to note that "a plaintiff succeeds at this stage even if the evidence reveals that a legislature elevated race to the predominant criterion in order to advance other goals, including political ones." Justice Samuel Alito delivered an opinion that concurred in part and dissented in part with the majority opinion. This opinion was joined by Chief Justice John Roberts and Justice Anthony Kennedy.[22][23][24]

    Evenwel v. Abbott (2016)

    See also: Evenwel v. Abbott

    Evenwel v. Abbott was a case decided by the Supreme Court of the United States in 2016. At issue was the constitutionality of state legislative districts in Texas. The plaintiffs, Sue Evenwel and Edward Pfenninger, argued that district populations ought to take into account only the number of registered or eligible voters residing within those districts as opposed to total population counts, which are generally used for redistricting purposes. Total population tallies include non-voting residents, such as immigrants residing in the country without legal permission, prisoners, and children. The plaintiffs alleged that this tabulation method dilutes the voting power of citizens residing in districts that are home to smaller concentrations of non-voting residents. The court ruled 8-0 on April 4, 2016, that a state or locality can use total population counts for redistricting purposes. The majority opinion was penned by Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg.[25][26][27][28]

    Harris v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission (2016)

    Justice Stephen Breyer penned the majority opinion in Harris v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission.
    See also: Harris v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission

    Harris v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission was a case decided by the Supreme Court of the United States in 2016. At issue was the constitutionality of state legislative districts that were created by the commission in 2012. The plaintiffs, a group of Republican voters, alleged that "the commission diluted or inflated the votes of almost two million Arizona citizens when the commission intentionally and systematically overpopulated 16 Republican districts while under-populating 11 Democrat districts." This, the plaintiffs argued, constituted a partisan gerrymander. The plaintiffs claimed that the commission placed a disproportionately large number of non-minority voters in districts dominated by Republicans; meanwhile, the commission allegedly placed many minority voters in smaller districts that tended to vote Democratic. As a result, the plaintiffs argued, more voters overall were placed in districts favoring Republicans than in those favoring Democrats, thereby diluting the votes of citizens in the Republican-dominated districts. The defendants countered that the population deviations resulted from legally defensible efforts to comply with the Voting Rights Act and obtain approval from the United States Department of Justice. At the time of redistricting, certain states were required to obtain preclearance from the U.S. Department of Justice before adopting redistricting plans or making other changes to their election laws—a requirement struck down by the United States Supreme Court in Shelby County v. Holder (2013). On April 20, 2016, the court ruled unanimously that the plaintiffs had failed to prove that a partisan gerrymander had taken place. Instead, the court found that the commission had acted in good faith to comply with the Voting Rights Act. The court's majority opinion was penned by Justice Stephen Breyer.[29][30][31]

    Arizona State Legislature v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission (2015)

    See also: Arizona State Legislature v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission
    Arizona State Legislature v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission was a case decided by the Supreme Court of the United States in 2015. At issue was the constitutionality of the Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission, which was established by state constitutional amendment in 2000. According to Article I, Section 4 of the United States Constitution, "the Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and Representatives shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof." The state legislature argued that the use of the word "legislature" in this context is literal; therefore, only a state legislature may draw congressional district lines. Meanwhile, the commission contended that the word "legislature" ought to be interpreted to mean "the legislative powers of the state," including voter initiatives and referenda. On June 29, 2015, the court ruled 5-4 in favor of the Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission, finding that "redistricting is a legislative function, to be performed in accordance with the state's prescriptions for lawmaking, which may include the referendum and the governor's veto." The majority opinion was penned by Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg and joined by Justices Anthony Kennedy, Stephen Breyer, Elena Kagan, and Sonia Sotomayor. Chief Justice John Roberts and Justices Clarence Thomas, Antonin Scalia, and Samuel Alito dissented.[32][33][34][35]

    Race and ethnicity

    See also: Majority-minority districts

    Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 mandates that electoral district lines cannot be drawn in such a manner as to "improperly dilute minorities' voting power."

    “ No voting qualification or prerequisite to voting, or standard, practice, or procedure shall be imposed or applied by any State or political subdivision to deny or abridge the right of any citizen of the United States to vote on account of race or color.[11] ”
    —Voting Rights Act of 1965[36]

    States and other political subdivisions may create majority-minority districts in order to comply with Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act. A majority-minority district is a district in which minority groups compose a majority of the district's total population. As of 2015, Utah was home to zero congressional majority-minority districts.[2][3][4]

    Proponents of majority-minority districts maintain that these districts are a necessary hindrance to the practice of cracking, which occurs when a constituency is divided between several districts in order to prevent it from achieving a majority in any one district. In addition, supporters argue that the drawing of majority-minority districts has resulted in an increased number of minority representatives in state legislatures and Congress.[2][3][4]

    Critics, meanwhile, contend that the establishment of majority-minority districts can result in packing, which occurs when a constituency or voting group is placed within a single district, thereby minimizing its influence in other districts. Because minority groups tend to vote Democratic, critics argue that majority-minority districts ultimately present an unfair advantage to Republicans by consolidating Democratic votes into a smaller number of districts.[2][3][4]

    State process

    See also: State-by-state redistricting procedures

    In Utah, both congressional and state legislative district boundaries are ultimately enacted by the state legislature. An advisory commission submits proposed maps to the legislature for its approval. This commission comprises the following seven members:[37]

    • One appointed by the governor, to serve as the chair of the commission;
    • One appointed by the president of the Utah Senate;
    • One appointed by the speaker of the Utah House of Representatives;
    • One appointed by the leader of the largest minority political party in the Utah Senate;
    • One appointed by the leader of the largest minority political party in the Utah House of Representatives;
    • One appointed jointly by the leadership of the majority political party in the Utah Senate, president of the Utah Senate, and the leadership of the same political party in the Utah House of Representatives; and
    • One appointed jointly by the leadership of the largest minority political party in the Utah Senate, and the leadership of the same political party in the Utah House of Representatives, including the speaker of the House, if the speaker is a member of the same political party.

    The commission is required to select between one and three plans, with the affirmative votes of at least five members, to submit to the chief justice of the Utah Supreme Court. The chief justice is responsible for determining if the commission's plans meet redistricting standards. The commission then forwards the plans to the state legislature, which may decide whether to accept, amend, or reject the plans.

    How incarcerated persons are counted for redistricting

    See also: How incarcerated persons are counted for redistricting

    States differ on how they count incarcerated persons for the purposes of redistricting. In Utah, incarcerated persons are counted in the correctional facilities they are housed in.

    District maps

    Congressional districts

    See also: United States congressional delegations from Utah

    Utah comprises four congressional districts. The table below lists Utah's current U.S. Representatives.


    Office Name Party Date assumed office Date term ends
    U.S. House Utah District 1 Blake Moore Republican January 3, 2021 January 3, 2025
    U.S. House Utah District 2 Celeste Maloy Republican November 28, 2023 January 3, 2025
    U.S. House Utah District 3 John Curtis Republican November 13, 2017 January 3, 2025
    U.S. House Utah District 4 Burgess Owens Republican January 3, 2021 January 3, 2025


    State legislative maps

    See also: Utah State Senate and Utah House of Representatives

    Utah comprises 29 state Senate districts and 75 state House districts. State senators are elected every four years in partisan elections. State representatives are elected every two years in partisan elections. “To access the state legislative district maps approved during the 2020 redistricting cycle, click here.

    Redistricting by cycle

    Redistricting after the 2020 census

    See also: Redistricting in Utah after the 2020 census

    Utah was apportioned four seats in the U.S. House of Representatives. This represented neither a gain nor a loss of seats as compared to apportionment after the 2010 census.[38]

    Enacted congressional district maps

    See also: Congressional district maps implemented after the 2020 census

    Utah enacted new congressional districts on November 12, 2021, after Gov. Spencer Cox (R) signed a map proposal approved by the House and the Senate. The enacted map was drafted by the legislature and differed from a proposal the Utah Independent Redistricting Commission released on November 5, 2021.[39] The congressional map passed the Utah House 50-22 on November 9, 2021, with five Republicans and all Democratic House members voting against it. The Senate approved the map on November 10, 2021, in a 21-7 vote. Before signing the congressional map, Cox said he would not veto any maps approved by the legislature, as “The Legislature is fully within their rights to actually make those decisions and decide where they want to draw those lines."[40] This map took effect for Utah's 2022 congressional elections.

    Below are the congressional maps in effect before and after the 2020 redistricting cycle.

    Utah Congressional Districts
    until January 2, 2023

    Click a district to compare boundaries.

    Utah Congressional Districts
    starting January 3, 2023

    Click a district to compare boundaries.


    Reactions

    Rep. Chris Stewart (R) said he supported the mix of urban and rural areas in each district. "I know some people will say, 'Well, that's just a way for you guys to protect the Republican interest,' but it's really not. There's only four of us. Only four members of Congress. The rural issues, the public lands and the water issues are so critical to our state," Stewart said. In response to allegations that the map showed partisan bias, Gov. Cox said, "If you have to divide counties, Republicans are always going to divide counties with lots of Democrats in them. And Democrats are always going to divide counties with lots of Republicans in them. It's happening all across the country."[41]

    Katie Wright, executive director of Better Boundaries, said “the total disregard of the Independent Redistricting Commission’s maps is deeply disappointing to Better Boundaries and Utahns statewide. Utahns now have districts that are egregiously partisan gerrymandered, sliced and diced cities and counties, which were drawn behind closed doors.”[41] Rep. Brian King (D) said "the Congressional map is the product of national Republican groups working to put their self-interested stamp on Utah. I'm disappointed that our Republican colleagues have not pushed back and insisted on Utah decision-makers for the Congressional map," and "The Congressional map recommended by the Legislative Redistricting Committee, surgically cutting Salt Lake County into four separate districts solely to maximize the likelihood of Republicans winning elections, is not something I will support."[42]

    2020 presidential results

    The table below details the results of the 2020 presidential election in each district at the time of the 2022 election and its political predecessor district.[43] This data was compiled by Daily Kos Elections.[44]

    2020 presidential results by Congressional district, Utah
    District 2022 district Political predecessor district
    Joe Biden Democratic Party Donald Trump Republican Party Joe Biden Democratic Party Donald Trump Republican Party
    Utah's 1st 37.9% 57.8% 31.6% 64.2%
    Utah's 2nd 39.5% 56.7% 40.2% 56.1%
    Utah's 3rd 38.3% 57.5% 35.2% 60.3%
    Utah's 4th 34.8% 60.7% 43.3% 52.4%

    Enacted state legislative district maps

    See also: State legislative district maps implemented after the 2020 census

    Gov. Spencer Cox (R) signed new state legislative districts for both chambers into law on November 16, 2021. After Cox called a special session to begin on November 9, 2021, the Utah legislature voted to approve the House and Senate district maps on November 10, 2021. The House districts proposal passed the House in a 60-12 vote and cleared the Senate in a 25-3 vote. The House voted 58-13 to approve the Senate map and the Senate approved the proposal in a 26-2 vote. [45][46] These maps took effect for Utah's 2022 legislative elections.

    Both proposals differed from those presented to the legislative committee by Utah's Independent Redistricting Commission on November 1, 2021.[47] The commission presented 12 maps (three each for House, Senate, congressional, and school board districts) to the Legislative Redistricting Committee, one of which was submitted by a citizen.[48]

    State Senate map

    Below is the state Senate map in effect before and after the 2020 redistricting cycle.

    Utah State Senate Districts
    until December 31, 2022

    Click a district to compare boundaries.

    Utah State Senate Districts
    starting January 1, 2023

    Click a district to compare boundaries.


    State House of Representatives

    Below is the state House map in effect before and after the 2020 redistricting cycle.

    Utah State House Districts
    until December 31, 2022

    Click a district to compare boundaries.

    Utah State House Districts
    starting January 1, 2023

    Click a district to compare boundaries.


    Reactions

    Lynette Wendel (D), who ran for election to the Utah House of Representatives to represent District 39 and lost by a margin of 0.6 %, said the districts were drawn to maintain Republicans' majorities in the state legislature. “It was a very strategic approach so that very few people who have an insulated agenda can force that agenda continuously on this state,” Wendel said.[49] Summit County Democratic Party Chair Katy Owens (D) said, “We would love to be able to have the opportunity to elect the representatives that we want but these maps have been deliberately drawn to prevent that.”[50]

    Sen. Scott Sandall (R), who along with Rep. Paul Ray (R) co-chaired the Legislative Redistricting Committee, said the new maps were drawn with citizens' interests in mind. "After listening to Utahns and touring the state, Rep. Ray and I created maps that we believe incorporate the interests of all Utahns,” Sandall said.[51] Ray said the legislature, not the Independent Redistricting Commission, "has the constitutional responsibility to divide the state into electoral districts" and he and Sandall "have worked tirelessly to come up with boundaries that best represent the diverse interests of the people we were elected to represent."[52]

    Redistricting after the 2010 census

    See also: Redistricting in Utah after the 2010 census

    Congressional redistricting, 2010

    Following the 2010 United States Census, Utah gained one congressional seat. On October 17, 2011, the state legislature approved new congressional district boundaries, which were signed into law on October 20, 2011.[37][53]

    State legislative redistricting, 2010

    On October 4, 2011, the state legislature approved new state Senate and House district maps. The House maps were signed into law on October 19, 2011. The Senate maps were signed into law the following day. On January 27, 2012, the legislature passed amendments to these boundaries, which were signed into law on January 30, 2012.[37]

    State legislation and ballot measures

    Redistricting legislation

    DocumentIcon.jpg See state election laws

    The following is a list of recent redistricting bills that have been introduced in or passed by the Utah state legislature. To learn more about each of these bills, click the bill title. This information is provided by BillTrack50.

    Note: Due to the nature of the sorting process used to generate this list, some results may not be relevant to the topic. If no bills are displayed below, no legislation pertaining to this topic has been introduced in the legislature recently.

    Redistricting ballot measures

    See also: Redistricting measures on the ballot and List of Utah ballot measures

    Ballotpedia has tracked the following ballot measure(s) relating to redistricting in Utah.

    1. Utah Legislative Redistricting Requirement, Amendment D (2008)

    Political impacts of redistricting

    Competitiveness

    There are conflicting opinions regarding the correlation between partisan gerrymandering and electoral competitiveness. In 2012, Jennifer Clark, a political science professor at the University of Houston, said, "The redistricting process has important consequences for voters. In some states, incumbent legislators work together to protect their own seats, which produces less competition in the political system. Voters may feel as though they do not have a meaningful alternative to the incumbent legislator. Legislators who lack competition in their districts have less incentive to adhere to their constituents’ opinions."[54]

    In 2006, Emory University professor Alan Abramowitz and Ph.D. students Brad Alexander and Matthew Gunning wrote, "[Some] studies have concluded that redistricting has a neutral or positive effect on competition. ... [It] is often the case that partisan redistricting has the effect of reducing the safety of incumbents, thereby making elections more competitive."[55]

    In 2011, James Cottrill, a professor of political science at Santa Clara University, published a study of the effect of non-legislative approaches (e.g., independent commissions, politician commissions) to redistricting on the competitiveness of congressional elections. Cottrill found that "particular types of [non-legislative approaches] encourage the appearance in congressional elections of experienced and well-financed challengers." Cottrill cautioned, however, that non-legislative approaches "contribute neither to decreased vote percentages when incumbents win elections nor to a greater probability of their defeat."[56]

    In 2021, John Johnson, Research Fellow in the Lubar Center for Public Policy Research and Civic Education at Marquette University, reviewed the relationship between partisan gerrymandering and political geography in Wisconsin, a state where Republicans have controlled both chambers of the state legislature since 2010 while voting for the Democratic nominee in every presidential election but one since 1988. After analyzing state election results since 2000, Johnson wrote, "In 2000, 42% of Democrats and 36% of Republicans lived in a neighborhood that the other party won. Twenty years later, 43% of Democrats lived in a place Trump won, but just 28% of Republicans lived in a Biden-voting neighborhood. Today, Democrats are more likely than Republicans to live in both places where they are the overwhelming majority and places where they form a noncompetitive minority."[57]

    State legislatures after the 2010 redistricting cycle

    See also: Margin of victory in state legislative elections

    In 2014, Ballotpedia conducted a study of competitive districts in 44 state legislative chambers between 2010, the last year in which district maps drawn after the 2000 census applied, and 2012, the first year in which district maps drawn after the 2010 census applied. Ballotpedia found that there were 61 fewer competitive general election contests in 2012 than in 2010. Of the 44 chambers studied, 25 experienced a net loss in the number of competitive elections. A total of 17 experienced a net increase. In total, 16.2 percent of the 3,842 legislative contests studied saw competitive general elections in 2010. In 2012, 14.6 percent of the contests studied saw competitive general elections. An election was considered competitive if it was won by a margin of victory of 5 percent or less. An election was considered mildly competitive if it was won by a margin of victory between 5 and 10 percent. For more information regarding this report, including methodology, see this article.

    Utah was not included in this study.

    Recent news

    The link below is to the most recent stories in a Google news search for the terms Redistricting Utah. These results are automatically generated from Google. Ballotpedia does not curate or endorse these articles.

    Redistricting in Utah - Google News

    See also

    External links

    Footnotes

    1. ↑ 1.0 1.1 All About Redistricting, "Why does it matter?" accessed April 8, 2015
    2. ↑ 2.0 2.1 2.2 2.3 Indy Week, "Cracked, stacked and packed: Initial redistricting maps met with skepticism and dismay," June 29, 2011
    3. ↑ 3.0 3.1 3.2 3.3 The Atlantic, "How the Voting Rights Act Hurts Democrats and Minorities," June 17, 2013
    4. ↑ 4.0 4.1 4.2 4.3 Redrawing the Lines, "The Role of Section 2 - Majority Minority Districts," accessed April 6, 2015
    5. ↑ Deseret News, "Utah Gov. Spencer Cox signs off on controversial congressional map that ‘cracks’ Salt Lake County," November 12, 2021
    6. ↑ Deseret News, "Utah redistricting: Congressional map splitting Salt Lake County 4 ways heads to Gov. Spencer Cox," November 10, 2021
    7. ↑ Utah State Legislature, "S.B. 2006 Utah State Senate Boundaries and Election Designation," accessed November 17, 2021
    8. ↑ Utah State Legislature, "H.B. 2005 Utah State House Boundaries Designation," accessed November 17, 2021
    9. ↑ The Heritage Guide to the Constitution, "Election Regulations," accessed April 13, 2015
    10. ↑ Brookings, "Redistricting and the United States Constitution," March 22, 2011
    11. ↑ 11.0 11.1 Note: This text is quoted verbatim from the original source. Any inconsistencies are attributable to the original source.
    12. ↑ Brennan Center for Justice, "A Citizen's Guide to Redistricting," accessed March 25, 2015
    13. ↑ The Constitution of the United States of America, "Article 1, Section 2," accessed March 25, 2015
    14. ↑ 14.0 14.1 14.2 14.3 14.4 14.5 14.6 All About Redistricting, "Where are the lines drawn?" accessed April 9, 2015
    15. ↑ 15.0 15.1 15.2 15.3 FairVote, "Redistricting Glossary," accessed April 9, 2015
    16. ↑ All About Redistricting, "Who draws the lines?" accessed June 19, 2017
    17. ↑ Encyclopædia Britannica, "Gerrymandering," November 4, 2014
    18. ↑ Congressional Research Service, "Congressional Redistricting and the Voting Rights Act: A Legal Overview," April 13, 2015
    19. ↑ The Wall Street Journal, "Supreme Court to Consider Limits on Partisan Drawing of Election Maps," June 19, 2017
    20. ↑ The Washington Post, "Supreme Court to hear potentially landmark case on partisan gerrymandering," June 19, 2017
    21. ↑ Supreme Court of the United States, "Gill v. Whitford: Decision," June 18, 2018
    22. ↑ Election Law Blog, "Breaking: SCOTUS to Hear NC Racial Gerrymandering Case," accessed June 27, 2016
    23. ↑ Ballot Access News, "U.S. Supreme Court Accepts Another Racial Gerrymandering Case," accessed June 28, 2016
    24. ↑ Supreme Court of the United States, "Cooper v. Harris: Decision," May 22, 2017
    25. ↑ The Washington Post, "Supreme Court to hear challenge to Texas redistricting plan," May 26, 2015
    26. ↑ The New York Times, "Supreme Court Agrees to Settle Meaning of ‘One Person One Vote,'" May 26, 2015
    27. ↑ SCOTUSblog, "Evenwel v. Abbott," accessed May 27, 2015
    28. ↑ Associated Press, "Supreme Court to hear Texas Senate districts case," May 26, 2015
    29. ↑ SCOTUSblog, "The new look at 'one person, one vote,' made simple," July 27, 2015
    30. ↑ Supreme Court of the United States, "Harris v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission: Brief for Appellants," accessed December 14, 2015
    31. ↑ Supreme Court of the United States, "Harris v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission," April 20, 2016
    32. ↑ The New York Times, "Court Skeptical of Arizona Plan for Less-Partisan Congressional Redistricting," March 2, 2015
    33. ↑ The Atlantic, "Will the Supreme Court Let Arizona Fight Gerrymandering?" September 15, 2014
    34. ↑ United States Supreme Court, "Arizona State Legislature v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission: Opinion of the Court," June 29, 2015
    35. ↑ The New York Times, "Supreme Court Upholds Creation of Arizona Redistricting Commission," June 29, 2015
    36. ↑ Yale Law School, The Avalon Project, "Voting Rights Act of 1965; August 6, 1965," accessed April 6, 2015
    37. ↑ 37.0 37.1 37.2 All About Redistricting, "Utah," accessed May 4, 2015
    38. ↑ United States Census Bureau, "2020 Census Apportionment Results Delivered to the President," April 26, 2021
    39. ↑ Deseret News, "Utah Gov. Spencer Cox signs off on controversial congressional map that ‘cracks’ Salt Lake County," November 12, 2021
    40. ↑ Deseret News, "Utah redistricting: Congressional map splitting Salt Lake County 4 ways heads to Gov. Spencer Cox," November 10, 2021
    41. ↑ 41.0 41.1 KSL, "Utah Gov. Cox signs off on controversial congressional map that 'cracks' Salt Lake County," November 12, 2021
    42. ↑ Twitter, "Rep. Brian S. King," accessed November 15, 2021
    43. ↑ Political predecessor districts are determined primarily based on incumbents and where each chose to seek re-election.
    44. ↑ Daily Kos Elections, "Daily Kos Elections 2020 presidential results by congressional district (old CDs vs. new CDs)," accessed May 12, 2022
    45. ↑ Utah State Legislature, "S.B. 2006 Utah State Senate Boundaries and Election Designation," accessed November 17, 2021
    46. ↑ Utah State Legislature, "H.B. 2005 Utah State House Boundaries Designation," accessed November 17, 2021
    47. ↑ KSL, "Utah redistricting map battles underscore independent-panel hurdles across the US," November 13, 2021
    48. ↑ Utah Public Radio, "Utah Independent Redistricting Commission proposes 12 maps to Utah lawmakers," November 2, 2021
    49. ↑ KUTV, "Women, Democratic candidates say new district maps hurt them, protect incumbents," November 15, 2021
    50. ↑ Park Record, "Legislature approves new boundaries for Summit County legislative districts," November 16, 2021
    51. ↑ Moab Sun News, "New state districts anger many Utahns: Recommendations go before full legislature," November 11, 2021
    52. ↑ KSL, "Utah lawmakers have released their proposed redistricting maps. Here's how Utahns reacted," November 6, 2021
    53. ↑ Barone, M. & McCutcheon, C. (2013). The almanac of American politics 2014 : the senators, the representatives and the governors : their records and election results, their states and districts. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
    54. ↑ The Daily Cougar, "Redistricting will affect November election," October 16, 2012
    55. ↑ The Journal of Politics, "Incumbency, Redistricting, and the Decline of Competition in U.S. House Elections," February 2006
    56. ↑ Polity, "The Effects of Non-Legislative Approaches to Redistricting on Competition in Congressional Elections," October 3, 2011
    57. ↑ Marquette University Law School Faculty Blog, "Why Do Republicans Overperform in the Wisconsin State Assembly? Partisan Gerrymandering Vs. Political Geography," February 11, 2021
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