Redistricting in Mississippi

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Redistricting is the process by which new congressional and state legislative district boundaries are drawn. Each of Mississippi's four United States Representatives and 174 state legislators are elected from political divisions called districts. United States Senators are not elected by districts, but by the states at large. District lines are redrawn every 10 years following completion of the United States census. The federal government stipulates that districts must have nearly equal populations and must not discriminate on the basis of race or ethnicity.[1][2][3][4]

Mississippi was apportioned four seats in the U.S. House of Representatives after the 2020 census, the same number it received after the 2010 census. Click here for more information about redistricting in Mississippi after the 2020 census.

HIGHLIGHTS
  • Following the 2020 United States Census, Mississippi was apportioned four congressional districts, which was unchanged from the number it had after the 2010 census.
  • Mississippi's House of Representatives is made up of 122 districts; Mississippi's State Senate is made up of 52 districts.
  • In Mississippi, both congressional and state legislative district boundaries are drawn by the state legislature.


    • Gov. Tate Reeves (R) signed the state's congressional redistricting plan—House Bill 384—on January 24, 2022. The state House of Representatives approved the plan, 75-44, on January 6, 2022, with 73 Republicans, one Democrat, and one independent voting in favor and 41 Democrats, two Republicans, and one independent voting against. The state Senate approved the new congressional map, 33-18, on January 12, 2022, with all votes in favor by Republicans and 16 Democrats and two Republicans voting against.[5] The Mississippi Joint Legislative Committee on Redistricting approved the proposal on December 15, 2021.[6]

    Mississippi enacted new state legislative district boundaries on March 31, 2022, when both legislative chambers approved district maps for the other chamber.[7] Legislative redistricting in Mississippi is done via a joint resolution and did not require Gov. Tate Reeves' (R) approval.[7] Emily Wagster Pettus of the Associated Press wrote that "Republican legislative leaders said the redistricting plans are likely to maintain their party's majority in each chamber."[8] Pettus also wrote that "Senate President Pro Tempore Dean Kirby of Pearl said the Senate redistricting plan keeps the same number of Republican-leaning and Democratic-leaning districts as now."[8]

    Click here for more information on maps enacted after the 2020 census.

    See the sections below for further information on the following topics:

    1. Background: A summary of federal requirements for redistricting at both the congressional and state legislative levels
    2. State process: An overview about the redistricting process in Mississippi
    3. District maps: Information about the current district maps in Mississippi
    4. Redistricting by cycle: A breakdown of the most significant events in Mississippi's redistricting after recent censuses
    5. State legislation and ballot measures: State legislation and state and local ballot measures relevant to redistricting policy
    6. Political impacts of redistricting: An analysis of the political issues associated with redistricting

    Background

    This section includes background information on federal requirements for congressional redistricting, state legislative redistricting, state-based requirements, redistricting methods used in the 50 states, gerrymandering, and recent court decisions.

    Federal requirements for congressional redistricting

    According to Article I, Section 4 of the United States Constitution, the states and their legislatures have primary authority in determining the "times, places, and manner" of congressional elections. Congress may also pass laws regulating congressional elections.[9][10]

    “ The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by Law make or alter such Regulations, except as to the Places of chusing Senators.[11] ”
    —United States Constitution

    Article I, Section 2 of the United States Constitution stipulates that congressional representatives be apportioned to the states on the basis of population. There are 435 seats in the United States House of Representatives. Each state is allotted a portion of these seats based on the size of its population relative to the other states. Consequently, a state may gain seats in the House if its population grows or lose seats if its population decreases, relative to populations in other states. In 1964, the United States Supreme Court ruled in Wesberry v. Sanders that the populations of House districts must be equal "as nearly as practicable."[12][13][14]

    The equal population requirement for congressional districts is strict. According to All About Redistricting, "Any district with more or fewer people than the average (also known as the 'ideal' population), must be specifically justified by a consistent state policy. And even consistent policies that cause a 1 percent spread from largest to smallest district will likely be unconstitutional."[14]

    Federal requirements for state legislative redistricting

    The United States Constitution is silent on the issue of state legislative redistricting. In the mid-1960s, the United States Supreme Court issued a series of rulings in an effort to clarify standards for state legislative redistricting. In Reynolds v. Sims, the court ruled that "the Equal Protection Clause [of the United States Constitution] demands no less than substantially equal state legislative representation for all citizens, of all places as well as of all races." According to All About Redistricting, "it has become accepted that a [redistricting] plan will be constitutionally suspect if the largest and smallest districts [within a state or jurisdiction] are more than 10 percent apart."[14]

    State-based requirements

    In addition to the federal criteria noted above, individual states may impose additional requirements on redistricting. Common state-level redistricting criteria are listed below.

    1. Contiguity refers to the principle that all areas within a district should be physically adjacent. A total of 49 states require that districts of at least one state legislative chamber be contiguous (Nevada has no such requirement, imposing no requirements on redistricting beyond those enforced at the federal level). A total of 23 states require that congressional districts meet contiguity requirements.[14][15]
    2. Compactness refers to the general principle that the constituents within a district should live as near to one another as practicable. A total of 37 states impose compactness requirements on state legislative districts; 18 states impose similar requirements for congressional districts.[14][15]
    3. A community of interest is defined by FairVote as a "group of people in a geographical area, such as a specific region or neighborhood, who have common political, social or economic interests." A total of 24 states require that the maintenance of communities of interest be considered in the drawing of state legislative districts. A total of 13 states impose similar requirements for congressional districts.[14][15]
    4. A total of 42 states require that state legislative district lines be drawn to account for political boundaries (e.g., the limits of counties, cities, and towns). A total of 19 states require that similar considerations be made in the drawing of congressional districts.[14][15]

    Methods

    In general, a state's redistricting authority can be classified as one of the following:[16]

    1. Legislature-dominant: In a legislature-dominant state, the legislature retains the ultimate authority to draft and enact district maps. Maps enacted by the legislature may or may not be subject to gubernatorial veto. Advisory commissions may also be involved in the redistricting process, although the legislature is not bound to adopt an advisory commission's recommendations.
    2. Commission: In a commission state, an extra-legislative commission retains the ultimate authority to draft and enact district maps. A non-politician commission is one whose members cannot hold elective office. A politician commission is one whose members can hold elective office.
    3. Hybrid: In a hybrid state, the legislature shares redistricting authority with a commission.

    Gerrymandering

    In 1812, Massachusetts Governor Elbridge Gerry signed into law a state Senate district map that, according to the Encyclopædia Britannica, "consolidated the Federalist Party vote in a few districts and thus gave disproportionate representation to Democratic-Republicans." The word gerrymander was coined by The Boston Gazette to describe the district.
    See also: Gerrymandering

    The term gerrymandering refers to the practice of drawing electoral district lines to favor one political party, individual, or constituency over another. When used in a rhetorical manner by opponents of a particular district map, the term has a negative connotation but does not necessarily address the legality of a challenged map. The term can also be used in legal documents; in this context, the term describes redistricting practices that violate federal or state laws.[1][17]

    For additional background information about gerrymandering, click "[Show more]" below.

    Show more

    The phrase racial gerrymandering refers to the practice of drawing electoral district lines to dilute the voting power of racial minority groups. Federal law prohibits racial gerrymandering and establishes that, to combat this practice and to ensure compliance with the Voting Rights Act, states and jurisdictions can create majority-minority electoral districts. A majority-minority district is one in which a racial group or groups comprise a majority of the district's populations. Racial gerrymandering and majority-minority districts are discussed in greater detail in this article.[18]

    The phrase partisan gerrymandering refers to the practice of drawing electoral district maps with the intention of favoring one political party over another. In contrast with racial gerrymandering, on which the Supreme Court of the United States has issued rulings in the past affirming that such practices violate federal law, the high court had not, as of November 2017, issued a ruling establishing clear precedent on the question of partisan gerrymandering. Although the court has granted in past cases that partisan gerrymandering can violate the United States Constitution, it has never adopted a standard for identifying or measuring partisan gerrymanders. Partisan gerrymandering is described in greater detail in this article.[19][20]

    Recent court decisions

    See also: Redistricting cases heard by the Supreme Court of the United States

    The Supreme Court of the United States has, in recent years, issued several decisions dealing with redistricting policy, including rulings relating to the consideration of race in drawing district maps, the use of total population tallies in apportionment, and the constitutionality of independent redistricting commissions. The rulings in these cases, which originated in a variety of states, impact redistricting processes across the nation.

    For additional background information about these cases, click "[Show more]" below.

    Show more

    Gill v. Whitford (2018)

    See also: Gill v. Whitford

    In Gill v. Whitford, decided on June 18, 2018, the Supreme Court of the United States ruled that the plaintiffs—12 Wisconsin Democrats who alleged that Wisconsin's state legislative district plan had been subject to an unconstitutional gerrymander in violation of the First and Fourteenth Amendments—had failed to demonstrate standing under Article III of the United States Constitution to bring a complaint. The court's opinion, penned by Chief Justice John Roberts, did not address the broader question of whether partisan gerrymandering claims are justiciable and remanded the case to the district court for further proceedings. Roberts was joined in the majority opinion by Associate Justices Anthony Kennedy, Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Stephen Breyer, Samuel Alito, Sonia Sotomayor, and Elena Kagan. Kagan penned a concurring opinion joined by Ginsburg, Breyer, and Sotomayor. Associate Justice Clarence Thomas penned an opinion that concurred in part with the majority opinion and in the judgment, joined by Associate Justice Neil Gorsuch.[21]

    Cooper v. Harris (2017)

    See also: Cooper v. Harris

    In Cooper v. Harris, decided on May 22, 2017, the Supreme Court of the United States affirmed the judgment of the United States District Court for the Middle District of North Carolina, finding that two of North Carolina's congressional districts, the boundaries of which had been set following the 2010 United States Census, had been subject to an illegal racial gerrymander in violation of Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act. Justice Elena Kagan delivered the court's majority opinion, which was joined by Justices Clarence Thomas, Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Stephen Breyer, and Sonia Sotomayor (Thomas also filed a separate concurring opinion). In the court's majority opinion, Kagan described the two-part analysis utilized by the high court when plaintiffs allege racial gerrymandering as follows: "First, the plaintiff must prove that 'race was the predominant factor motivating the legislature's decision to place a significant number of voters within or without a particular district.' ... Second, if racial considerations predominated over others, the design of the district must withstand strict scrutiny. The burden shifts to the State to prove that its race-based sorting of voters serves a 'compelling interest' and is 'narrowly tailored' to that end." In regard to the first part of the aforementioned analysis, Kagan went on to note that "a plaintiff succeeds at this stage even if the evidence reveals that a legislature elevated race to the predominant criterion in order to advance other goals, including political ones." Justice Samuel Alito delivered an opinion that concurred in part and dissented in part with the majority opinion. This opinion was joined by Chief Justice John Roberts and Justice Anthony Kennedy.[22][23][24]

    Evenwel v. Abbott (2016)

    See also: Evenwel v. Abbott

    Evenwel v. Abbott was a case decided by the Supreme Court of the United States in 2016. At issue was the constitutionality of state legislative districts in Texas. The plaintiffs, Sue Evenwel and Edward Pfenninger, argued that district populations ought to take into account only the number of registered or eligible voters residing within those districts as opposed to total population counts, which are generally used for redistricting purposes. Total population tallies include non-voting residents, such as immigrants residing in the country without legal permission, prisoners, and children. The plaintiffs alleged that this tabulation method dilutes the voting power of citizens residing in districts that are home to smaller concentrations of non-voting residents. The court ruled 8-0 on April 4, 2016, that a state or locality can use total population counts for redistricting purposes. The majority opinion was penned by Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg.[25][26][27][28]

    Harris v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission (2016)

    Justice Stephen Breyer penned the majority opinion in Harris v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission.
    See also: Harris v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission

    Harris v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission was a case decided by the Supreme Court of the United States in 2016. At issue was the constitutionality of state legislative districts that were created by the commission in 2012. The plaintiffs, a group of Republican voters, alleged that "the commission diluted or inflated the votes of almost two million Arizona citizens when the commission intentionally and systematically overpopulated 16 Republican districts while under-populating 11 Democrat districts." This, the plaintiffs argued, constituted a partisan gerrymander. The plaintiffs claimed that the commission placed a disproportionately large number of non-minority voters in districts dominated by Republicans; meanwhile, the commission allegedly placed many minority voters in smaller districts that tended to vote Democratic. As a result, the plaintiffs argued, more voters overall were placed in districts favoring Republicans than in those favoring Democrats, thereby diluting the votes of citizens in the Republican-dominated districts. The defendants countered that the population deviations resulted from legally defensible efforts to comply with the Voting Rights Act and obtain approval from the United States Department of Justice. At the time of redistricting, certain states were required to obtain preclearance from the U.S. Department of Justice before adopting redistricting plans or making other changes to their election laws—a requirement struck down by the United States Supreme Court in Shelby County v. Holder (2013). On April 20, 2016, the court ruled unanimously that the plaintiffs had failed to prove that a partisan gerrymander had taken place. Instead, the court found that the commission had acted in good faith to comply with the Voting Rights Act. The court's majority opinion was penned by Justice Stephen Breyer.[29][30][31]

    Arizona State Legislature v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission (2015)

    See also: Arizona State Legislature v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission
    Arizona State Legislature v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission was a case decided by the Supreme Court of the United States in 2015. At issue was the constitutionality of the Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission, which was established by state constitutional amendment in 2000. According to Article I, Section 4 of the United States Constitution, "the Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and Representatives shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof." The state legislature argued that the use of the word "legislature" in this context is literal; therefore, only a state legislature may draw congressional district lines. Meanwhile, the commission contended that the word "legislature" ought to be interpreted to mean "the legislative powers of the state," including voter initiatives and referenda. On June 29, 2015, the court ruled 5-4 in favor of the Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission, finding that "redistricting is a legislative function, to be performed in accordance with the state's prescriptions for lawmaking, which may include the referendum and the governor's veto." The majority opinion was penned by Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg and joined by Justices Anthony Kennedy, Stephen Breyer, Elena Kagan, and Sonia Sotomayor. Chief Justice John Roberts and Justices Clarence Thomas, Antonin Scalia, and Samuel Alito dissented.[32][33][34][35]

    Race and ethnicity

    See also: Majority-minority districts

    Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 mandates that electoral district lines cannot be drawn in such a manner as to "improperly dilute minorities' voting power."

    “ No voting qualification or prerequisite to voting, or standard, practice, or procedure shall be imposed or applied by any State or political subdivision to deny or abridge the right of any citizen of the United States to vote on account of race or color.[11] ”
    —Voting Rights Act of 1965[36]

    States and other political subdivisions may create majority-minority districts in order to comply with Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act. A majority-minority district is a district in which minority groups compose a majority of the district's total population. As of 2015, Mississippi was home to one congressional majority-minority district.[2][3][4]

    Proponents of majority-minority districts maintain that these districts are a necessary hindrance to the practice of cracking, which occurs when a constituency is divided between several districts in order to prevent it from achieving a majority in any one district. In addition, supporters argue that the drawing of majority-minority districts has resulted in an increased number of minority representatives in state legislatures and Congress.[2][3][4]

    Critics, meanwhile, contend that the establishment of majority-minority districts can result in packing, which occurs when a constituency or voting group is placed within a single district, thereby minimizing its influence in other districts. Because minority groups tend to vote Democratic, critics argue that majority-minority districts ultimately present an unfair advantage to Republicans by consolidating Democratic votes into a smaller number of districts.[2][3][4]

    State process

    See also: State-by-state redistricting procedures

    In Mississippi, both congressional and state legislative district boundaries are drawn by the state legislature. Congressional district lines are approved as regular legislation and are thus subject to veto by the governor. State legislative district boundaries are approved as a joint resolution; as such, they are not subject to gubernatorial veto.[37]

    If the legislature cannot approve a state legislative redistricting plan, a five-member commission must draw the lines. This commission comprises the chief justice of the Mississippi Supreme Court, the attorney general, the secretary of state, and the majority leaders of the Mississippi State Senate and the Mississippi House of Representatives.[37]

    The Mississippi Constitution requires that state legislative district boundaries be contiguous. State statutes further require that state legislative districts "be compact and cross political boundaries as little as possible."[37]

    How incarcerated persons are counted for redistricting

    See also: How incarcerated persons are counted for redistricting

    States differ on how they count incarcerated persons for the purposes of redistricting. In Mississippi, incarcerated persons are counted in the correctional facilities they are housed in.

    District maps

    Congressional districts

    See also: United States congressional delegations from Mississippi

    Mississippi comprises four congressional districts. The table below lists Mississippi's current U.S. Representatives.


    Office Name Party Date assumed office Date term ends
    U.S. House Mississippi District 1 Trent Kelly Republican June 9, 2015 January 3, 2025
    U.S. House Mississippi District 2 Bennie Thompson Democratic April 20, 1993 January 3, 2025
    U.S. House Mississippi District 3 Michael Guest Republican January 3, 2019 January 3, 2025
    U.S. House Mississippi District 4 Mike Ezell Republican January 3, 2023 January 3, 2025


    State legislative maps

    See also: Mississippi State Senate and Mississippi House of Representatives

    Mississippi comprises 52 state Senate districts and 122 state House districts. State senators and representatives are elected every four years in partisan elections. “To access the state legislative district maps approved during the 2020 redistricting cycle, click here.

    Redistricting by cycle

    Redistricting after the 2020 census

    See also: Redistricting in Mississippi after the 2020 census

    Mississippi was apportioned four seats in the U.S. House of Representatives. This represented neither a gain nor a loss of seats as compared to apportionment after the 2010 census.[38]

    Enacted congressional district maps

    See also: Congressional district maps implemented after the 2020 census

    Gov. Tate Reeves (R) signed the state's congressional redistricting plan—House Bill 384—on January 24, 2022. The state House of Representatives approved the plan, 75-44, on January 6, 2022, with 73 Republicans, one Democrat, and one independent voting in favor and 41 Democrats, two Republicans, and one independent voting against. The state Senate approved the new congressional map, 33-18, on January 12, 2022, with all votes in favor by Republicans and 16 Democrats and two Republicans voting against.[39] The Mississippi Joint Legislative Committee on Redistricting approved the proposal on December 15, 2021.[40]

    After the state Senate approved the plan, Lee Sanderlin wrote in the Mississippi Clarion Ledger, “The bill preserves the current balance of congressional power in Mississippi, keeping three seats for Republicans and one for lone Democrat Bennie Thompson, D-Bolton.”[41] Sanderlin also wrote, "This is the first time since the 1965 passage of the Voting Rights Act passed Mississippi's redistricting will go on without federal oversight after a 2013 Supreme Court decision ended the requirement certain states get federal approval for redistricting changes. A federal judge drew the congressional districts in 2002 because legislators could not agree on a map, and again in 2011 because legislators felt they didn't have enough time to do it during session."[41]

    Below are the congressional maps in effect before and after the 2020 redistricting cycle.

    Mississippi Congressional Districts
    until January 2, 2023

    Click a district to compare boundaries.

    Mississippi Congressional Districts
    starting January 3, 2023

    Click a district to compare boundaries.


    Reactions

    Mississippi House Speaker Pro Tempore Jason White (R) described the congressional plan during floor debate as follows: “I would say this plan meets the criteria that the joint House and Senate committee adopted as guidelines for developing the new plan. It complies with one-person-one-vote, the Constitution, all the districts are contiguous, it applies to Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act, and it adheres as closely as possible to the neutral redistricting factors that have been used by the federal courts in drawing our last two plans.”[42]

    After the state House approved the proposal, House Minority Leader Robert Johnson described his concerns in a statement issued by the Mississippi House Democratic Caucus, saying that redistricting "is supposed to make districts as compact as possible, and the boundaries should cross governmental and political boundaries as little as possible. These objectives were not met for the map that was voted on today. The so-called ‘Magnolia 1 plan’ adds 80 miles to Congressional District 2, creating a district that stretches from the northern tip of the state to the bottom southwest corner of the state, making it more than 300 miles long and creating a district that takes up more than 40% of the geographic area of the state."[42]

    2020 presidential results

    The table below details the results of the 2020 presidential election in each district at the time of the 2022 election and its political predecessor district.[43] This data was compiled by Daily Kos Elections.[44]

    2020 presidential results by Congressional district, Mississippi
    District 2022 district Political predecessor district
    Joe Biden Democratic Party Donald Trump Republican Party Joe Biden Democratic Party Donald Trump Republican Party
    Mississippi's 1st 33.4% 65.1% 33.8% 64.8%
    Mississippi's 2nd 62.5% 36.4% 63.7% 35.2%
    Mississippi's 3rd 37.2% 61.5% 38.6% 60.1%
    Mississippi's 4th 30.3% 68.2% 30.3% 68.3%

    Enacted state legislative district maps

    See also: State legislative district maps implemented after the 2020 census

    Mississippi enacted new state legislative district boundaries on March 31, 2022, when both legislative chambers approved district maps for the other chamber.[7] Legislative redistricting in Mississippi is done via a joint resolution and did not require Gov. Tate Reeves' (R) approval.[7] Emily Wagster Pettus of the Associated Press wrote that "Republican legislative leaders said the redistricting plans are likely to maintain their party's majority in each chamber."[8] Pettus also wrote that "Senate President Pro Tempore Dean Kirby of Pearl said the Senate redistricting plan keeps the same number of Republican-leaning and Democratic-leaning districts as now."[8]

    Redistricting of the state Senate was approved by the Senate on March 29, 2022, by a vote of 45-7, with 31 Republicans and 14 Democrats in favor and five Republicans and two Democrats voting against.[45] The state House approved the Senate's district boundaries on March 31, 2022, by a vote of 68-49. Sixty-two Republicans, three Democrats, and three independents voted in favor and 35 Democrats and 14 Republicans voted against.[46]

    New district boundaries for the Mississippi House of Representatives were approved by the House on March 29, 2022, by an 81-38 vote. Seventy-three Republicans, five Democrats, and three independents voted to enact the new map and 36 Democrats and two Republicans voted against it.[47] The Mississippi Senate approved the House map—41 to 8—on March 31, 2022, with 34 Republicans and seven Democrats voting in favor and all eight votes against by Democrats.[48]

    State Senate map

    Below is the state Senate map in effect before and after the 2020 redistricting cycle.

    Mississippi State Senate Districts
    until January 1, 2024

    Click a district to compare boundaries.

    Mississippi State Senate Districts
    starting January 2, 2024

    Click a district to compare boundaries.

    State House map

    Below is the state House map in effect before and after the 2020 redistricting cycle.

    Mississippi State House Districts
    until January 1, 2024

    Click a district to compare boundaries.

    Mississippi State House Districts
    starting January 2, 2024

    Click a district to compare boundaries.


    Redistricting after the 2010 census

    See also: Redistricting in Mississippi after the 2010 census

    State legislators were unable to complete new congressional maps before the end of the 2011 session. The 2012 session began on January 3, which was only 10 days before the filing deadline for Congressional candidates. In September 2011, Republican legislators filed court papers asking federal judges to redraw the districts. On December 20, 2011, a panel of three federal judges released a plan to re-draw the four congressional districts. Mississippi Secretary of State Delbert Hosemann said the plan would allow the state to hold 2012 elections without obtaining pre-clearance from the Justice Department. The new map reduced the number of split counties from eight to four.[49] The Clarion Ledger said the map was predominantly unchanged from the one used during the last decade.[50]

    Noteworthy events

    2019

    On February 13, 2019, Judge Carlton W. Reeves, of the United States District Court for the Southern District of Mississippi, issued an order striking down the map for Mississippi State Senate District 22, finding that it constituted a violation of the Voting Rights Act by denying racial minorities in the district "an equal opportunity to participate in the political processes and to elect candidates of their choice." In the two-page order, Reeves advised the legislature of its right to the first opportunity to draft new maps for District 22 and any adjoining districts that might be impacted. Reeves also suggested that the legislature might extend the March 1 qualification deadline for candidates in District 22 and any other districts affected by the redistricting process. Reeves was appointed in 2010 by Pres. Barack Obama (2013).[51][52]

    Mississippi Republicans appealed this decision and filed an emergency motion for stay of judgment. The appeals court found that the state was not likely to succeed in overturning the district court's judgment. The appeals court also found that the legislature should be granted the opportunity to implement a remedial map. The appeals court stayed the district court's decision until April 3, 2019, and extended the candidate filing deadline for affected districts to April 12, 2019. The legislature enacted a remedial map on March 26, 2019. Opponents of the original map informed the district court that they would not challenge the remedial map. As to the merits of the district court's original judgment, a three-judge panel of the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit heard oral arguments on June 11, 2019. On September 2, 2019, the appellate panel issued its ruling, upholding the district court's finding and dismissing the state's appeal as moot.[53][54][55]

    State legislation and ballot measures

    Redistricting legislation

    DocumentIcon.jpg See state election laws

    The following is a list of recent redistricting bills that have been introduced in or passed by the Mississippi state legislature. To learn more about each of these bills, click the bill title. This information is provided by BillTrack50.

    Note: Due to the nature of the sorting process used to generate this list, some results may not be relevant to the topic. If no bills are displayed below, no legislation pertaining to this topic has been introduced in the legislature recently.

    Redistricting ballot measures

    See also: Redistricting measures on the ballot and List of Mississippi ballot measures

    Ballotpedia has tracked the following ballot measure(s) relating to redistricting in Mississippi.

    1. Mississippi Redistricting, Amendment 1 (1990)
    2. Mississippi Candidate Districts, Amendment 5 (1987)
    3. Mississippi Legislative Reapportionment, Amendment 1 (1979)

    Political impacts of redistricting

    Competitiveness

    There are conflicting opinions regarding the correlation between partisan gerrymandering and electoral competitiveness. In 2012, Jennifer Clark, a political science professor at the University of Houston, said, "The redistricting process has important consequences for voters. In some states, incumbent legislators work together to protect their own seats, which produces less competition in the political system. Voters may feel as though they do not have a meaningful alternative to the incumbent legislator. Legislators who lack competition in their districts have less incentive to adhere to their constituents’ opinions."[56]

    In 2006, Emory University professor Alan Abramowitz and Ph.D. students Brad Alexander and Matthew Gunning wrote, "[Some] studies have concluded that redistricting has a neutral or positive effect on competition. ... [It] is often the case that partisan redistricting has the effect of reducing the safety of incumbents, thereby making elections more competitive."[57]

    In 2011, James Cottrill, a professor of political science at Santa Clara University, published a study of the effect of non-legislative approaches (e.g., independent commissions, politician commissions) to redistricting on the competitiveness of congressional elections. Cottrill found that "particular types of [non-legislative approaches] encourage the appearance in congressional elections of experienced and well-financed challengers." Cottrill cautioned, however, that non-legislative approaches "contribute neither to decreased vote percentages when incumbents win elections nor to a greater probability of their defeat."[58]

    In 2021, John Johnson, Research Fellow in the Lubar Center for Public Policy Research and Civic Education at Marquette University, reviewed the relationship between partisan gerrymandering and political geography in Wisconsin, a state where Republicans have controlled both chambers of the state legislature since 2010 while voting for the Democratic nominee in every presidential election but one since 1988. After analyzing state election results since 2000, Johnson wrote, "In 2000, 42% of Democrats and 36% of Republicans lived in a neighborhood that the other party won. Twenty years later, 43% of Democrats lived in a place Trump won, but just 28% of Republicans lived in a Biden-voting neighborhood. Today, Democrats are more likely than Republicans to live in both places where they are the overwhelming majority and places where they form a noncompetitive minority."[59]

    State legislatures after the 2010 redistricting cycle

    See also: Margin of victory in state legislative elections

    In 2014, Ballotpedia conducted a study of competitive districts in 44 state legislative chambers between 2010, the last year in which district maps drawn after the 2000 census applied, and 2012, the first year in which district maps drawn after the 2010 census applied. Ballotpedia found that there were 61 fewer competitive general election contests in 2012 than in 2010. Of the 44 chambers studied, 25 experienced a net loss in the number of competitive elections. A total of 17 experienced a net increase. In total, 16.2 percent of the 3,842 legislative contests studied saw competitive general elections in 2010. In 2012, 14.6 percent of the contests studied saw competitive general elections. An election was considered competitive if it was won by a margin of victory of 5 percent or less. An election was considered mildly competitive if it was won by a margin of victory between 5 and 10 percent. For more information regarding this report, including methodology, see this article.

    Mississippi was not included in this study.

    Recent news

    The link below is to the most recent stories in a Google news search for the terms Redistricting Mississippi. These results are automatically generated from Google. Ballotpedia does not curate or endorse these articles.

    Redistricting in Mississippi - Google News

    See also

    External links

    Footnotes

    1. ↑ 1.0 1.1 All About Redistricting, "Why does it matter?" accessed April 8, 2015
    2. ↑ 2.0 2.1 2.2 2.3 Indy Week, "Cracked, stacked and packed: Initial redistricting maps met with skepticism and dismay," June 29, 2011
    3. ↑ 3.0 3.1 3.2 3.3 The Atlantic, "How the Voting Rights Act Hurts Democrats and Minorities," June 17, 2013
    4. ↑ 4.0 4.1 4.2 4.3 Redrawing the Lines, "The Role of Section 2 - Majority Minority Districts," accessed April 6, 2015
    5. ↑ Mississippi Legislature, 2022 Regular Session, "House Bill 384," accessed January 24, 2022
    6. ↑ Clarion Ledger, "Redistricting committee finalizes Mississippi congressional map proposal, expanding 2nd District," December 15, 2021
    7. ↑ 7.0 7.1 7.2 7.3 Jackson Free Press, "Mississippi House and Senate OK Each Other's Redistricting," April 1, 2022
    8. ↑ 8.0 8.1 8.2 8.3 Jackson Free Press, "Mississippi House, Senate Pass Separate Redistricting Plans," March 30, 2022
    9. ↑ The Heritage Guide to the Constitution, "Election Regulations," accessed April 13, 2015
    10. ↑ Brookings, "Redistricting and the United States Constitution," March 22, 2011
    11. ↑ 11.0 11.1 Note: This text is quoted verbatim from the original source. Any inconsistencies are attributable to the original source.
    12. ↑ Brennan Center for Justice, "A Citizen's Guide to Redistricting," accessed March 25, 2015
    13. ↑ The Constitution of the United States of America, "Article 1, Section 2," accessed March 25, 2015
    14. ↑ 14.0 14.1 14.2 14.3 14.4 14.5 14.6 All About Redistricting, "Where are the lines drawn?" accessed April 9, 2015
    15. ↑ 15.0 15.1 15.2 15.3 FairVote, "Redistricting Glossary," accessed April 9, 2015
    16. ↑ All About Redistricting, "Who draws the lines?" accessed June 19, 2017
    17. ↑ Encyclopædia Britannica, "Gerrymandering," November 4, 2014
    18. ↑ Congressional Research Service, "Congressional Redistricting and the Voting Rights Act: A Legal Overview," April 13, 2015
    19. ↑ The Wall Street Journal, "Supreme Court to Consider Limits on Partisan Drawing of Election Maps," June 19, 2017
    20. ↑ The Washington Post, "Supreme Court to hear potentially landmark case on partisan gerrymandering," June 19, 2017
    21. ↑ Supreme Court of the United States, "Gill v. Whitford: Decision," June 18, 2018
    22. ↑ Election Law Blog, "Breaking: SCOTUS to Hear NC Racial Gerrymandering Case," accessed June 27, 2016
    23. ↑ Ballot Access News, "U.S. Supreme Court Accepts Another Racial Gerrymandering Case," accessed June 28, 2016
    24. ↑ Supreme Court of the United States, "Cooper v. Harris: Decision," May 22, 2017
    25. ↑ The Washington Post, "Supreme Court to hear challenge to Texas redistricting plan," May 26, 2015
    26. ↑ The New York Times, "Supreme Court Agrees to Settle Meaning of ‘One Person One Vote,'" May 26, 2015
    27. ↑ SCOTUSblog, "Evenwel v. Abbott," accessed May 27, 2015
    28. ↑ Associated Press, "Supreme Court to hear Texas Senate districts case," May 26, 2015
    29. ↑ SCOTUSblog, "The new look at 'one person, one vote,' made simple," July 27, 2015
    30. ↑ Supreme Court of the United States, "Harris v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission: Brief for Appellants," accessed December 14, 2015
    31. ↑ Supreme Court of the United States, "Harris v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission," April 20, 2016
    32. ↑ The New York Times, "Court Skeptical of Arizona Plan for Less-Partisan Congressional Redistricting," March 2, 2015
    33. ↑ The Atlantic, "Will the Supreme Court Let Arizona Fight Gerrymandering?" September 15, 2014
    34. ↑ United States Supreme Court, "Arizona State Legislature v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission: Opinion of the Court," June 29, 2015
    35. ↑ The New York Times, "Supreme Court Upholds Creation of Arizona Redistricting Commission," June 29, 2015
    36. ↑ Yale Law School, The Avalon Project, "Voting Rights Act of 1965; August 6, 1965," accessed April 6, 2015
    37. ↑ 37.0 37.1 37.2 All About Redistricting, "Mississippi," accessed May 4, 2015
    38. ↑ United States Census Bureau, "2020 Census Apportionment Results Delivered to the President," April 26, 2021
    39. ↑ Mississippi Legislature, 2022 Regular Session, "House Bill 384," accessed January 24, 2022
    40. ↑ Clarion Ledger, "Redistricting committee finalizes Mississippi congressional map proposal, expanding 2nd District," December 15, 2021
    41. ↑ 41.0 41.1 Mississippi redistricting: Senate follows House, approves expanded 2nd District January 12, 2022
    42. ↑ 42.0 42.1 Mississippi Free Press, "Redistricting Plan With 300-Mile Long Majority Black District Draws House Approval," January 7, 2022
    43. ↑ Political predecessor districts are determined primarily based on incumbents and where each chose to seek re-election.
    44. ↑ Daily Kos Elections, "Daily Kos Elections 2020 presidential results by congressional district (old CDs vs. new CDs)," accessed May 12, 2022
    45. ↑ ‘’Mississippi legislature’’, “Joint Resolution 202-History of Actions, 03/29 (S) Adopted," accessed April 7, 2022
    46. ↑ ‘’Mississippi legislature’’, “Joint Resolution 202-History of Actions, 03/31 (H) Adopted," accessed April 7, 2022
    47. ↑ ‘’Mississippi legislature’’, “Joint Resolution 1-History of Actions, 03/29 (H) Adopted As Amended," accessed April 7, 2022
    48. ↑ ‘’Mississippi legislature’’, “Joint Resolution 1-History of Actions, 03/31 (S) Adopted," accessed April 7, 2022
    49. ↑ Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named jud
    50. ↑ Clarion Ledger, "Redistricting: No radical changes," December 21, 2011
    51. ↑ Ballot Access News, "U.S. District Court Strikes Down Mississippi State Senate Boundaries," February 13, 2019
    52. ↑ United States District Court for the Southern District of Mississippi, "Thomas v. Bryant: Order," February 13, 2019
    53. ↑ The San Francisco Chronicle, "Mississippi requests new hearing in redistricting lawsuit," April 8, 2019
    54. ↑ Governing, "In Gerrymandering Case, Mississippi Governor Challenges Order to Redraw Map," April 25, 2019
    55. ↑ United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, "Thomas v. Bryant: Opinion," September 3, 2019
    56. ↑ The Daily Cougar, "Redistricting will affect November election," October 16, 2012
    57. ↑ The Journal of Politics, "Incumbency, Redistricting, and the Decline of Competition in U.S. House Elections," February 2006
    58. ↑ Polity, "The Effects of Non-Legislative Approaches to Redistricting on Competition in Congressional Elections," October 3, 2011
    59. ↑ Marquette University Law School Faculty Blog, "Why Do Republicans Overperform in the Wisconsin State Assembly? Partisan Gerrymandering Vs. Political Geography," February 11, 2021
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